'FINDING AFROHISTORY'
Explore African and Black History, One Story at a Time
Explore the Diaspora! đđ
Explore African and Black History, One Story at a Time
In 1890, Louisiana introduced the âSeparate Car Act,â The statute mandated the addition of a separate railway car for black passengers. For the most part, […]
Slave CodesIn 1890, Louisiana introduced the âSeparate Car Act,â The statute mandated the addition of a separate railway car for black passengers. For the most part, blacks and whites got along fairly well. However, this form of segregation threatened the prosperous living conditions of New Orleansâ wealthy and influential Afro-Creole population.
In a three-tiered racial-class system, Louisiana’s Afro-Creoles -a people of mixed French or Spanish and Black descent settled peacefully in the middle tier. It was not until after the Civil War that the citizens of this distinct population felt most threatened.Â
As descendants of pre-civil war mixed-race families, the Afro-Creoles did not experience a life of bondage. They were well-educated and occupied various careers. They were business owners, government workers, writers, ex-Union soldiers, philanthropists, teachers, and the list goes on. Southern politicians and white supremacists disregarded distinctions within Black society. Whether previously enslaved or born free persons of color, their common goal was segregation.Â
With a considerable number of Creole residents, the law created a challenging position for railway companies. The Afro-Creoles were light-complexioned. They were fluent in French or Spanish. Some were so light-skinned they could live anywhere in the world and pass for white.The train conductors had a tough job. They had to guess a passenger’s race or ask them directly to make sure they sat in the right train car. If anyone broke the new Jim Crow Law, they faced serious penalties.Â
Additionally, the law said that the all-black railway car had to have the same facilities as the others. However, it strictly said that white passengers couldn’t use it. Black nurses, though, were allowed in white-only cars if they were taking care of a white passenger.
In response to the oppressive law, the elite members of the Creole community formed the âCitizens Committee.â Led by Louis Martinet, a black lawyer and newspaperman, their mission was to challenge the constitutionality of the âSeparate Car Act.âÂ
On October 10, 1891, the Citizens Committee hired lawyer James A. Walker to handle the case in Louisianaâs local court. Albion W. Tourgee, a white lawyer from Ohio and Civil Rights Advocate, would argue the case in the Supreme Court. The men carefully devised a course of action. They first needed someone to volunteer to violate the law and get arrested. Secondly, this person would have to be Creole, specifically one so light-skinned as to confuse the conductors. Thirdly, cooperation from a railway company willing to go along with the plan.Â
First, Daniel F. Desdunes, son of a committee member, bravely volunteered for phase one. Everything went as planned, but there was one big problem. The ‘Separate Car Act’ only applied to trips within the state, not out-of-state journeys. So, the judge quickly threw out the case and sent Daniel home.
The Afro-Creoles lived carefree lives together, they felt a strong sense of community. Children played freely, women had tea lunches, and men gathered for political debates and recreational activities. They cherished their way of life and didn’t want it to change.
It didnât take long for the âCitizens Committeeâ to find a new volunteer, Homer Plessy. In that pivotal moment, Plessy, a twenty-nine-year-old shoemaker classified as Afro-Creole, seven-eighths white, and one-eighth black, stepped into the spotlight. On June 7, 1892, he boarded the whites-only car on the East Louisiana Railway, refusing to leave. This act of defiance resulted in his arrest and subsequent confinement in the local jail.
The case unfolded in the hands of Judge John H. Ferguson. Plessyâs lawyer, James A. Walker argued that the law was unfair: (1) the law was unclear, lacking straightforward directions on where light-skinned blacks should sit, (2) the law gave authority to train conductors to identify just how black a passenger was, (3) the law violated the fourteenth amendment, placing blacks in a lesser position in society.
The stateâs attorney argued that because of an increase in racial tension, the âSeparate Car Act â was signed into law to prevent physical altercations between whites and blacks. He also argued that the all-black railcars were equal in standards and condition to the white-only railroad cars. By November 1892, Judge Ferguson ruled in favor of the stateâs attorneys, and the âSeparate Car Actâ remained law.Â
Louis Martinet and Plessy’s lawyer, James A. Walker, knew they would lose. They, along with their supporters, didn’t think they could win. They were ready for defeat in the Louisiana Supreme Court too. For these men, including the eighteen members of the ‘Citizens Committee’, challenging the Act was a duty, not a quest for applause. It wasnât just about winning; it was about the duty to stand strong and not be made to feel less important.
The âSeparate Car Actâ served as one of many blows to the Afro-Creole community. The pursuit for victory extended beyond a mere quest.
Their collective wealth, education, and morals seemed futile if they remained passive. Plessy v. Ferguson, led by Albion W. Tourgee, reached the Louisiana Supreme Court in 1892 and the United States Supreme Court in 1895. In all instances, the courtsâ position, in summary, was if the all-black railcars were equal in conditions, then separation was permitted. Furthermore, a majority of the court Justices decided that if one race is deemed inferior to another, the United States Constitution cannot reverse such inferiority.
On April 13, 1896, the United States Supreme Court Justices, by a 7-1 vote, upheld Louisianaâs âSeparate Car Act.â
1âHomer Plessy paid the twenty-five dollar fine, then disappeared into history. â…The doctrine that emerged from Plessy v. Ferguson became known as âseparate but equal.â â…Southern governments strictly enforced the âseparate.â They all but ignored the âequal.â Then, on a momentous day in 1952, the Golden City of Topeka, Kansas, greeted Homer Plessy as the victorious hero in the Supreme Court case Brown v. Board of Education, marking his triumphant journey’s end.
Cited Source:
1 The Jim Crow Laws and Racism in United States History: Separate But Equal p.33. Enslow Publishers, Inc.)Â
References: Plessy v Ferguson
Images Credit: Historic New Orleans Collection, A 1970s cartoon by John Churchill Chase recalls Plessy v. Ferguson and the 1954 case Brown v. Board of Education, which reversed the Plessy ruling. (THNOC, Gift of John Churchill Chase and John W. Wilds, 1979.167.18 a)
White” and “Jim Crow” railcars; racial segregation in the United States as cartooned by John McCutcheon, 1904. Public Domain
Holmesburg Prison, also known as the âTerror Domeâ, once a testing ground in Philadelphia, hides a frightening story of medical experiments between 1951 and 1974. […]
Scientific RacismHolmesburg Prison, also known as the âTerror Domeâ, once a testing ground in Philadelphia, hides a frightening story of medical experiments between 1951 and 1974. The University of Pennsylvania, prison staff, and scientists organized experiments for profit on inmates.
Before we dive into the scary parts, letâs look into the minds of doctors from the past. The shocking statements from neurosurgeon Harry Bailey, Dr. Thomas Murrell, and H. Martineau reveal unsettling beliefs about African Americans.
Contrary to what many think, the roots of medical racism didnât start with Tuskegee. Earlier institutions set the stage, turning the mistreatment of Black inmates into a moneymaking enterprise for white physicians.Â
Now, letâs jump into the world of Dr. Albert Kligmanâs researchâHolmesburg Prison, a place filled with victims, haunted by the echoes of funding that fueled the haunting experiments within its cold walls.
Imagine a place full of healthy African-American men becoming the main test subjects. Persuaded by doctors and staff, these men participated in destructive experiments for a meager compensation of $10 or less. The prison medical team meticulously documented severe long-term effectsâblistering testicles from the application of acids, removal of sweat glands, cyst scars, and rashes that defied any cure.
Step into Holmesburg Prison, established in 1896âa place to address overcrowding at Philadelphiaâs Moyamensing Prison. Its atmosphere was dirty, dingy, and deadly. Envision the interior of a large facility, a burial place where the living goes to be forgotten. Temperatures in cell isolation blocks soared above 100 degrees.
Walk through its doorway and into its corridors. The smell hits you like a surprise you never saw coming. Itâs not just hotâitâs like the air itself is tired and sweaty. Imagine taking a deep breath, and all you get is a lingering scent of old air that hasnât been refreshed in ages.
But thatâs not all. Underneath that heavy air, thereâs a moldy smell, like when you forget to open your gym bag for days. Itâs like the building is holding its breath, and youâre stuck inhaling its musty secrets. And guess what? Itâs not just a regular mustiness; itâs the kind that comes from dampness and poor ventilation as if the walls themselves are sighing.
Now, hereâs the surprising twistâadd in a dash of dust and decay. Imagine a scenario: Whirlwinds of tiny particles dance in the air, creating a tornado of filth that catches you off guard. These particles bear the scent of neglect, like finding a forgotten old book in the attic.
And just when you thought it couldnât get any worse, thereâs an overpowering unpleasantness in the air. Itâs not just one bad smell; itâs a mix of everything bad. A smelly symphony that assaults your senses. Hold your nose because thereâs also a faint but unsettling chemical stench. Â
So, there you have itâthe foundation of discomfort and danger. Itâs not just a bad smell; itâs an unexpected assault on your nose that makes you wish for fresh air ASAP.
Who knew a place could surprise you with such an unpleasant olfactory experience leading to the tragic demise of numerous inmates?
Let’s discuss how Dr. Albert Kligman transitioned from facing rejection to conducting experiments. Dr. Kligman graduated from prestigious Pennsylvania schools. During World War I, he faced rejection from the U.S. government research team due to his connection to communism.
Fueled by anger, he sought ways to attain fame and respect in the medical field. After that, in 1951, he began doing medical tests at Holmesburg Prison. Sadly, these tests were not ethical.
Kligman, the top researcher, conducted inhumane medical experiments on hundreds of prisoners from dermatological experiments to administering hallucinatory drugs.Â
In 1966, the Pittsburgh Inquirer reported that upon Kligmanâs first visit to Holmesburg Prison, he looked out across the inmate population. He was instantly gratified, so much so, that he summarized his visit by saying, âAll I saw before me were acres of skin. I was like a farmer seeing a fertile field for the first time.â
Picture this: the application of highly toxic Dioxin, the primary ingredient in Agent Orange, on inmates’ skin at a staggering 468 times the recommended dose. This toxic exposure inflicts severe damage to the cells and tissues, paving the way for the development of malignant tumors and severely impairing the body’s ability to fend off diseases. He further subjected them to radioactive and various other carcinogenic chemicals. To add to the ordeal, injections of wart virus, vaccinia, herpes simplex, and herpes zoster were administered, plunging the prisoners into a hellish realm of suffering.
Contemplate Kligmanâs unethical experiments persisting for two decades, supported by various partnerships. Kligman abused mostly black prison inmates. Government and pharmaceutical partnerships, including Dow Chemical Corporation, R. J. Reynolds, U.S. Army Chemical Corps, and Johnson & Johnson each had a financial role. In 2019, the University of Pennsylvania released an apology for its role in the unethical biomedical research.Â
For an extended period, Kligman and his associates skillfully avoided ending the experiments. Think about the troubling idea of big companies affecting court cases to keep access to black prisoners for testing.
In 1974, Kligmanâs experiments finally ceased. Nevertheless, he received acknowledgment and applause from the medical community. Despite destroyed documents, Kligmanâs legacy of cruelty endures. Such as the development of Retin-A (acne medications) on the backs of African American men. He smeared various chemical agents until the desired result was achieved.
The legacy of scientific racism serves as a haunting reminder of the dark side of medical history, lingering like an ominous shadow.
Sources:
Image Credit: https://collections.nlm.nih.gov/catalog/nlm:nlmuid-101420539-img
http://archive.boston.com/bostonglobe/obituaries/articles/2010/02/22/albert_m_kligman_dermatologist_who_discovered_retin_a/
https://www.med.upenn.edu/evpdeancommunications/2021-08-20-283.html
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Holmesburg_Prison
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Albert_Kligman
Imagine yourself standing on the fertile plains of present-day Nigeria. Centuries ago, this very land witnessed the rise and fall of a powerful kingdom known […]
Global African History PlacesImagine yourself standing on the fertile plains of present-day Nigeria.
Centuries ago, this very land witnessed the rise and fall of a powerful kingdom known as Kwararafa. For over 500 years, the Jukun people, with their unique traditions and warrior spirit, ruled this land, leaving behind a legacy that continues to inspire.
If you ever find yourself on the Nigerian plains, close your eyes and listen closely. You might just hear the faint echoes of drums, the whispers of ancient stories, and the spirit of Kwararafa, forever alive in the hearts of the Jukun people.
